One of the strange truths about democratic governments is that they can remain unpopular for much longer than other forms of government. This seems counterintuitive as the whole point of democratic government is to have public policy reflect the general will of the people. In theory any divergence should be rectified in subsequent elections so that over time, the majority support the policy. As we see in the modern West, this is not how things work in “our democracy.”

There is a great example of this in the UK. Immigrant crime has reached a point where even the most teary-eyed immigration romantic has had enough. All of the polling shows that the majority wants an end to immigration. The new Labour government won power largely by hinting they would be tough on immigration. They were lying, of course, and that is clear now. The government only had about thirty percent support at the election, and you can be sure it is lower now.

In other words, the current rulers of the UK have less popular support than the current ruler of Venezuela. The UK is allegedly a democracy, while the democracies all claim Venezuela is a dictatorship. While technically correct, if we redefine democracy to mean having some sort of voting process, the undeniable fact is the ruling class of Venezuela has far more popular support than the ruling class of the UK. Yet, for now at least, the UK government does not fear being overthrown.

Immigration is a great example of how democracy can remain unpopular for much longer than other forms of government. There has never been a time when there was popular support for open borders and unfettered immigration. The issue may not have ranked high on the list of voter concerns, but there was never a clamoring for violent foreigners to be imported into the country. Now there is massive hostility to it, but the policies not only persist, but they get worse.

Immigration is just the latest example of this. The de-industrialization we saw in the 1970’s and 1980’s never had popular support. People in the emerging service industries or technology may have been indifferent, but there were no rallies in the streets demanding the government ship the car parts plant to Mexico. The people in the manufacturing sector certainly cared, but their interests were ignored because the oligarchs saw a quick buck in selling off the manufacturing base.

The point is the so-called democracies of the West have been unpopular for an exceedingly long time, but it persists due to two factors. One is the people assume they can eventually get what they want through the democratic process. The ballots at every election have two options, heads they win and tails you lose, but people insist on picking from those options. It takes a long while, as we are now seeing, for people to lose faith in the democratic system.

The other reason, and perhaps the main reason, why democratic governments can remain unpopular for so long is the people who run the democratic system grow increasingly convinced they can trick and cajole enough people to manufacture a majority in their favor. In fact, as we keep seeing, this becomes the primary focus of the people running the system. It is as if they seek to prove Lincoln wrong and find a way to fool all of the people all of the time.

The guy running Venezuela knows that a large swath of his population thinks the system is rigged. He certainly knows it is rigged. He also knows that unless he keeps that disgruntled portion of the population pacified, he will be swinging from a tree branch, so that is his primary focus. He needs to always be looking to expand popular support for his policies, while at the same time defusing the anger in the portion that is unhappy with him and his policies.

The glue that has held Western democracies together for so long, despite not being particularly popular, is managerialism. The vast administrative state controlled by a permanent ruling class of managers is an unprecedented defense against any threats to the democratic system. Internal opposition is assimilated into the system so quickly that it never has time to flower into a palace coup. External opposition is subverted through the complex network of government affiliated organizations.

If you look closely, for example, at the pro-government protests in response to the anti-immigration protests in the UK, you will see people wearing the colors of groups like Amnesty International, Hope Not Hate and various immigrant charities right next to the cops waiting to crack the skulls of native Brits. Much of the police action, in fact, is coordinated by these “private groups” who “defend our democracy.” All of them are client organizations of the managerial state.

For this reason, managerial polyarchy¹ is highly resistant to popular discontent, even when that discontent is near universal. The problem though is that it is top-heavy, which makes containing internal dissent increasingly difficult. With so many people inside the managerial system or dependent upon it, factionalism is inevitable. It is why the managerial class has its politicians chant about unifying the country. What they really mean is unifying the managerial elite and the oligarchs.

We see a glimpse of this with Elon Musk. When he bought Twitter and reopened it, the system quickly moved to suppress him. Ben Shapiro and the ADL made him pray at the pile of shoes. The trouble is, Musk is the world’s richest man and someone who does not like being pushed around, so Twitter remains largely open. Musk has now weighed in on the two-tiered justice system of the UK. Elon Musk is a serious problem for a system that thinks it needs complete unity.

Why is Elon Musk a serious problem? A society in which the majority is disgruntled but lacks a leader and a method to compel change is like dry leaves and wood in the underbrush of a forest. It is a forest fire waiting to happen. The disgruntled inside the managerial system may look at the disgruntled masses as an army in waiting and decide it is a good time to stage a palace coup. This is why the British government is one step away from declaring war on running dog deviationists.

In the end, government, regardless of form, must not only satisfy the majority, but pacify those unsatisfied so they will not revolt. The present systems in the West have proven quite resistant to this reality, but reality must always prevail. The crisis in the West is over the central question of managerial polyarchy. Can it adapt and reform itself to comport with the demands of the people over whom it rules? If not, then what happens when these long bottled-up forces finally explode?

¹Managerial Polyarchy refers to the fact that large complex society does not have central control. Instead it has nodes that control specific domains, like banking, the media, the academy, and so on. These are networked together by a common understand of their role in society. This polyarchy of institutions shares the ideology of managerialism, thus we get the term Managerial Polyarchy.

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